With this disappears any semblance of autonomy and Serbia is reduced to a province annexed to the Turkish empire, governed by sangiacchi and pashas. The passing, contrary to popular belief, did not take place in violent or brutal forms, but took place in a completely peaceful way, and on bases which, far from making the new dominion appear tyrannical, seemed to guarantee peace and security, and promised to succeed. beneficial to the country.
The Turks limited themselves to occupying strategic places, dominating the streets, establishing city settlements, replacing the nobility and the ruling class, which partly emigrated and partly was assimilated, and left the people their religion, their language., his lands, did not disturb him in his work, nor, especially in the early days, burdened him with excessive taxes and services. Naturally there were radiations of forms of life and culture: the southern provinces, particularly the larger centers, reshaped themselves in the Turkish way, and not a few Serbs, especially noble ones, passed to Islam. Mosques and Turkish neighborhoods sprang up all over the place. But there were also exchanges: numerous Serbs acted as men of arms, of government and of doctrine with the sultan. Serbian, as a diplomatic language and script, entered the use of the court and chancelleries of Istanbul. It is true that the national church was dissolved as a political body, but monasteries were respected as religious institutes. A phenomenon that could make Turkish domination appear intolerable is the intense Serbian emigration in the 15th and 16th centuries towards the Danubian regions. The causes that determined it, however, are not so much sought in the pressure exerted by Muslims, as in the natural and ancient search for better locations and in the incessant work of enticement carried out by Hungary and Austria, in need of populating, exploiting and defending the very fertile border provinces. The new domination was generally accepted as a necessary fatality which, if it could morally tear it up, was nevertheless preferable to the ruinous chaos it had previously dominated. It is therefore that, for a good century, the Serbs gave no sign of life and almost of national existence. The historian who, up to the middle of the sixteenth century, looks at Serbia, although previously so rich in fervid history, sees nothing but Turkish armies marching for the Stambugjdol (away from Constantinople to Belgrade) towards Hungary, Austria, Romania, Friuli.
The first beats of an awakening are perceived only in the first half of the century. XVI, but not in the real Serbia subject to the Turkish, but in the marginal Slavic territories: in the southern provinces of Hungary, in Slavonia, in Croatia, in the Morlacca coast. They are at first turbid and indistinct throbs restricted to the literary field which then, at the time of the Reformation and Counter-Reformation, move to the religious field, to finally invest in the century. XVII, the political field. All the powers interested in anti-Turkish politics act to arouse and cultivate this movement: the papacy, Venice, Austria, Poland and, finally, Russia. Turkey notices this and, since 1557, tries to stem it and counter it by restoring the ancient patriarchate of Peć and organizing it in such a way as to make it an instrument of control of religious life and political sentiments not only of the Serbs residing within its borders, but also of the emigrants. Instead, it happened that, in the contacts established, the emigrants, instead of being subjected to any influence, acted irredentistically on the Serbs of the pastoralate and won them over to the cause of the Christian powers. On the Turkish side, there followed a tightening of measures which alienated even their last sympathies. Yes that when, starting from the second half of the century. XVII, in the decline of Ottoman power, Austria, Venice and other powers, gathering in holy leagues, waged war on Turkey, they found, penetrating beyond the Danube, populations prepared to rise up and assist in their action. Thanks to this consent Austria, in the war of 1683-1699, he was able to go as far as southern Serbia to Skoplje, Peć and Prizren, and in the peace of Carlowitz round the southern borders of Croatia and Slavonia. After the subsequent Holy League of 1716-18, having achieved the sensational victories of Eugene of Savoy, Banat and a large area of northern Serbia with Belgrade annexed themselves in the peace of Passarowitz. The campaigns of 1736-1739 and 1787-1791 were instead unfortunate and led to the loss of these territories. The Serbs, however, did not suffer from it, since, even before the Peace of Svistova (July 1791) confirmed their return to Turkey, the Sultan Selim III, inclined to establish a liberal regime in the empire, recognized them, in the context of sovereignty turkish, a certain autonomy and arranged for the arbitration and violence of the military government of the Janissaries to be repressed. With a khaṭṭ-i-sherīf of 1793 these concessions were solemnly sanctioned. Except that the Janissaries, after a few years of compression, taking advantage of the profound crisis into which the empire had fallen precisely due to Selim’s reforms, returned in 1799 to seize power and, more greedy and brutal than before, to tyrannize in every way the pasciȧlato. Since the Porte was powerless to drive them out, the Serbs themselves, in union with the they returned in 1799 to seize power and, more greedy and brutal than before, to tyrannize the pasta in every way. Since the Porte was powerless to drive them out, the Serbs themselves, in union with the they returned in 1799 to seize power and, more greedy and brutal than before, to tyrannize the pasta in every way. Since the Porte was powerless to drive them out, the Serbs themselves, in union with the spahi Turks decided to face them with weapons. In February 1804, at the Orašac conference, the insurrection was deliberated, at the head of which was Karagjorgje Petrović, an illiterate peasant, inexperienced in diplomatic arts, but, as needed, a brave fighter and inexorable temper of the head. In short, the entire pasture was in flames. Initially the movement was not directed against the Porta, which was indeed intended to help suppress the rebels, but soon took on the character of a real war for independence. The insurgents did not take long to take the question to international territory, establishing contacts with Austria and Russia and, in the subsequent settlement negotiations, demanding that these two powers intervene as guarantors of the pacts that would be agreed. La Porta, of course, rejected all foreign intrusions. Then came the open war, which, full of ups and downs in the changing international situation of the time, lasted until 1813, when, defeated, Karagjorgje with its leaders and most of its people, had to take refuge in Austria. However, the dominion of the Porta did not last very long. Already in 1815 a new huge insurrection broke out led by Miloš Obrenović, who, flexible and shrewd, knew not only to impose himself with arms, but, relying above all on Russia, work so well in the political field that with khaṭṭ-i-sherīf on 29 August 1830 the Porte recognized Serbia as an independent principality under the eminent Turkish sovereignty and Russian protection. Miloš, who in the meantime had freed himself from his competitor Karagjorje in 1817 by having him assassinated.
